Animal Equality showed that advocating for diet change works. But is it costeffective?
This essay was jointly written by Peter Hurford and Marcus A. Davis. All code for analyses contained is available on GitHub.
Summary: Animal Equality and Faunalytics put together a field study testing individual video outreach on belief and diet change. They found statistically significant results on both. Together with the Reducetarian study, we now think there is sufficient evidence to establish that individual outreach may work to produce positive change for nonhuman animals. However, evidence in this study points to an estimate of $310 per pig year saved (90% interval: $46 to $1100), which is worse than humanfocused interventions even from a species neutral perspective. More analysis would be needed to see how individual outreach compares to other interventions in animal advocacy or in other cause areas.
Introduction
Individual outreach for improving the lives of animals has a lot of possible interventions. While empirical evidence to help us understand and decide between these interventions has improved a lot over the past five years, there remain significant limitations in methodology. Previously, only the the 2016 AWAL Newspaper Study (see announcements from the Reducetarian Foundation and from AWAL) has the first statistically significant effect about individual outreach on actual meat reduction (as opposed to a proxy metric) using an actual control group with sufficient statistical power[1].
Now, a new study by Faunalytics, with cooperation from Animal Equality and Statistics Without Borders, enters the picture, purporting to find that video (in both 2D and 360degree virtual reality) produces statistically significant diet change when compared with a control group (see the full report, all the relevant data and code, Animal Equality announcement, and the Faunalytics announcement). Does this finding hold up?
What is the basic methodology?
Participants were recruited across 35 different college campuses and across 86 days. Participants were placed into one of the three conditions (2D video, 3D video, or control / no video) based on a clustered RCT design, where each day each campus was randomized into a different condition for the entire campusday. 3068 participants were initially recruited, received the treatment (or no treatment), and then filled out a questionnaire.
Participants were given up to seven email reminders and six text reminders to complete the survey, so nonresponse could be expected to be a sign of active disinterest rather than simply not remembering about the second survey. Participants were also incentivized with being entered into a lottery with the potential for one person to earn $1000. 58% of people responded (1782 participants).
What are the headline results?
Respondents were either shown a 2D video about the horrors of pig farming, a 360 VR video (using new iAnimal technology), or no video (control group). Respondents in the two treatment groups were more likely to say that factory farming contributed to pigs’ suffering and that it was important to minimize the amount of pork one consumes compared to the control group at a follow up one month later. More importantly, the treatment group reported less consumption of pork at the followup. However, there was no statistically significant difference between the 2D and 360 VR video conditions.
What are the results on attitudes, more specifically?
The study does a good job of mentioning which results are statistically significant and which are not and doing analysis controlling for a majority of factors. Given that we’re personally far more interested in whether video works as a medium rather than the difference between 2D and 360 VR video and given that the study did not find a significant effect between 2D and 360 VR, we found it much more convenient to pool the study into a single treatment and control group.
The study itself had two key measures of attitudes:

Suffering attitude: “Eating pork (bacon, ham, pork chops, spare ribs, bacon bits, etc.) directly contributes to the suffering of pigs.” (5point Likert Scale, Strongly Disagree to Strongly Agree)

Consumption attitude: “It is important to minimize the amount of pork (bacon, ham, pork chops, spare ribs, bacon bits, etc.) a person consumes.” (5point Likert Scale, Strongly Disagree to Strongly Agree)
Impact on Suffering Attitude
Immediately after the video, 67.0% of the control group and 79.4% of the treatment groups agreed or strongly agreed with the fact that eating pork contributed to suffering of pigs (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test).
Impact on Consumption Attitude
Immediately after the video, 60.0% of the control group and 77.0% of the treatment groups agreed or strongly agreed with the fact that it is important to minimize pork eating (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test).
Did attitudes still hold at the one month follow up?
In a word: yes. Most of those who reported believing after watching a video that eating pigs contributed to their suffering and that it is important to minimize consumption still reported believing that one month later, and vice versa.
Impact on Suffering Attitude
At the one month follow up, 79.2% of the treatment group still agreed (compared to 79.4% on the baseline survey), while now 72.2% of the control group agreed in this statement (compared to 67.0% on the baseline survey). The difference remained statistically significant, even if it was smaller (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test). However, we suspect that this uptick in the control group is not the result of a change in beliefs, but rather a change in who had responded to the second survey.
Of the 358 people in the treatment group who disagreed with the statement (remember this is after watching the video), 117 (32.7%) held their ground on the followup, 87 (24.3%) of them changed their mind, and 154 (43.0%) did not respond. Of the 1426 people in the treatment group who did agree, 798 (56.0%) of them still agreed, 113 (7.9%) had flipped to disagreeing, and 515 people (36.1%) did not respond.
Of the 390 people in the control group who disagreed with the statement (they did not see any video), 126 (32.3%) held their ground on the followup, 87 (22.3%) of them changed their mind, and 154 (39.5%) did not respond. Of the 1426 people in the treatment group who did agree, 798 (56.0%) of them still agreed, 113 (7.9%) had flipped to disagreeing, and 515 people (36.1%) did not respond.
Among both groups, agreement on the first survey was predictive of whether the respondent would respond on the followup survey (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test).
Impact on Consumption Attitude
At the one month follow up, 75.8% of the treatment group still agreed (compared to 77.0% on the first survey), while now 67.0% of the control group agreed in this statement (compared to 60.0% on the first survey). This is the same story as before  the difference is smaller now, but remains statistically significant (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test), and appears to be largely driven by people dropping out between the two surveys instead of people changing their beliefs between the two surveys.
Of the 400 people in the treatment group who disagreed with the statement (remember this is after watching the video), 154 (38.5%) held their ground on the followup, 85 (21.3%) of them changed their mind, and 161 (40.3%) did not respond. Of the 1384 people in the treatment group who did agree, 761 (55.0%) of them still agreed, 116 (8.4%) had flipped to disagreeing, and 507 people (36.6%) did not respond.
I’ll spare you the same statistics for the control group, because as you can see this is basically a repeat. Obviously the people who didn’t answer about suffering attitude are the same people who didn’t answer about consumption attitude, because they didn’t answer any questions on the followup survey at all. However, even among those who did respond, the correlation between both attitudes is very high  0.457 on the baseline survey and 0.459 on the followup survey.
What were the results on consumption, exactly?
But talk is cheap and what we want to see is whether talk translates into action. So let’s look at consumption change:

Consumption change: “Thinking about your diet over the past 30 DAYS, how often did you eat meals or snacks that contained ANY TYPE OF PORK (bacon, ham, pork chops, spare ribs, bacon bits, etc.)? NOTE: It is important that you report your food consumption as accurately as possible. Examples of meals include breakfast, lunch, dinner, etc. Also tell us about snacks between meals. Think about meals and snacks at home as well as outside the home. Please take your time and carefully consider your answer.” (Options: Never, 13 times per month, 1 time per week, 24 times per week, 56 times per week, 1 or more times per day)
Before any respondents were shown any video, they are asked retrospectively for the past thirty days, so presumably it should serve as a baseline, except insofar as they might have been primed or affected by social desirability bias to modify their baseline lower (more on this later). The follow up also asks about the last 30 days, so this would be the 30 days after the treatment (or lack thereof). We can thus calculate the change in diet between the baseline survey and the followup survey and compare this change between treatment and control groups to help factor out some of the baseline.
Ordinal Scale Results
The original study has this broken down by an ordinal scale. Looking at the mere difference in this scale between groups we get an average reduction of 0.144 on the scale from the control group and an average of 0.350 points from the treatment group (significant with p = 0.0004, twosample ttest[2]).
Effect on Approximate Serving Sizes
However, the ordinal scale is not very informative, since the steps between each point on the scale are very large… the difference between (1) Never and (2) 13 times a month is ~2 times a month, while the difference between (3) 24 times per week and (4) 56 times per week is ~10 times a month. To make things more complex for a moment, we offer up a simple transformation where each part of the scale is mapped to an average amount of times per month (Never > 0, 13 times per month > 2 times per month, 1 time per week > 4 times per month, 24 times per week > 12 times per month, 56 times per week > 22 times per month, and 1 or more times per day > 31 times per month). With this transformation, we can now extract a more meaningful statement  the control group reduced ~1 time per month while the treatment groups reduced ~2 times per month (p = 0.0053, two sample ttest).
Effect on Pork Elimination
That being said, maybe we should reduce the complexity instead of increase it. How much do we really trust these self reports to be accurate? Do you remember how much pork you ate over the past thirty days? (Or, if you’re already vegetarian, try recalling the amount of times you ate spinach over the past thirty days.) Perhaps we can’t trust the absolute numbers, but we can trust one simple thing  if people don’t eat any pork at all, they’d surely remember that. So we make a binary value  0 if they don’t eat pork at all and 1 if they report eating any amount of pork.
Looking at that, we find 33.4% of the control group and 31.6% of the treatment group report not eating pork on the first survey (a baseline since it asks about the time before the treatment and was answered before watching any video). On the followup one month later (reflecting retrospectively over the month since the study), the control group remains about the same now 32.5% not eating pork (a change of 0.9 percentage points), but the treatment group has jumped to 36.7% (a change of 5.1 percentage points). The differences between the groups are significant on the first survey (p < 0.0001, chisquared test), significant on the followup survey but in the opposite direction (p < 0.0001, chisquared test), and the overall difference in differences is significant (p < 0.0001, ttest). We can thus conclude that the treatment group does indeed report eating less pork than the control group, one month later.
Effect on Pork Reduction
And perhaps we can also look at reduction as a binary variable. The comparison in total servings of 1 per month by the control group and 2 per month by the treatment group may be misleading. It would be more accurate to say that the control group had 25.4% of people reduce an average of 9.96 times per month, 54.7% of people not change their diet, and 19.8% of people increase by an average of 7.69 times per month, whereas the treatment group had 32.8% of people reduce an average of 9.36 times per month, 54.2% of people not change their diet, and 13% of people increase an average of 7.84 times per month.
Comparatively, the amount of people not changing is roughly the same between both treatment and control, and the magnitude of increase and decrease being roughly the same between both treatment and control, but the treatment group having fewer increasers and more reducers. Looking just at reducers, we see 32.8% of the treatment group doing some amount of reduction (by 1 time or more) compared to 25.4% of the control group (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test).
But how does the differential nonresponse affect the consumption conclusions?
Astute readers will note that there was a significant effect of nonresponse on attitudes, where those who were less likely to agree with the attitudes were less likely to fill out the survey. Thus they got dropped, and the followup survey became overall more pigfriendly in part by selection bias. Could this mean that the difference in the treatment group is solely from porkeating people still eating pork but not filling out the second survey?
Differential NonResponse
While nonresponse is an issue, it’s differential nonresponse, where the kinds of people who don’t respond are different from the kinds of people who do respond. ...That can really bias a study. For example, if those who were the least likely to think that eating pork contributes to pig suffering were the least likely to respond to the followup survey, then we’d expect some bias when assessing attitudes on the followup survey.
Unfortunately, there is a statistically significant effect going on here as well. Of the 1265 people in the treatment group who initially ate pork, 673 (53.2%) of them reported that they still ate some amount of pork, whereas 92 (7.3%) reported that they had now been 30 days porkfree. However, 500 porkeating people in the treatment group (39.5%) did not respond. On the other hand, of the 532 people in the treatment group who already started out not eating any pork, 35 of them (6.6%) reported now eating pork, 319 (60.0%) reported staying porkfree, and 178 (33.5%) did not respond. The bottom line being that the nonresponse rate was much higher among those who initially ate pork. This effect is significant across both initial porkeating status across both treatment and control (p < 0.0001, chisquared test) and across treatment vs. control (p < 0.0001, chisquared test).
Relooking at Pork Elimination
So what can we do to analyze our results in light of this issue? We have the optimistic scenario, where we assume despite the above evidence that the nonresponse is random, and that we stick to our results asis so far. But we also could make some assumptions about those who didn’t respond, such that they (a) did not change at all from the baseline or (b) they all ate pork between the baseline and followup and were too afraid to talk about it.
When we relook at the pork vs. no pork results and assume that everyone who did not respond just didn’t change at all, there is now only a 3.2 percentage point shift instead of a 5.1 percentage point shift, but it remains significant (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest). This is encouraging and lends additional confidence to a significant effect of the treatment on reducing pork consumption.
However, if we assume that everyone who did not respond switched to or kept eating pork, we lose any significant effect (p = 0.44, two sample ttest). We’d strongly expect that this kind of shift would not have actually occurred, but it is useful for establishing a lower bound. We thus can confidently rule out hypotheses like “the treatment has a statistically significant backfiring effect of increasing pork consumption”.
Notably, the elimination has outsized effects over reduction. Of the people in the treatment group, people eliminating pork account for 5% of the treatment population but 24.1% of the total pork reduced among the treatment group. On the flip side, elimination is not the only aspect that matters, as the majority of the reduction in pork came from people reducing rather than eliminating.
Relooking at Approximate Serving Sizes
When looking on a perserving basis using our transformation described before but adding the assumption that everyone who did not respond underwent no reduction (and also no increase), we now arrive at a reduction of ~0.5 “serving” per person on average in the control group (down from ~1 before this adjustment) and ~1.3 per person on average in the treatment group (down from ~2 before this adjustment). The difference remains significant (p = 0.0004, two sample ttest).
Relooking at the Ordinal Scale
We suppose we should also look back at the original ordinal scale  while we think it is the least intuitive and the hardest to reason about of these three measures, it is how the question is actually asked, so it’s an important sanity check. When we assume that everyone who didn’t fill out the survey had no change on the ordinal scale, we see an average drop of 0.076 points on the scale among the control group (down from 0.144 among just the people in the without this adjustment) and an average drop of 0.218 points among the treatment group (down from 0.350 points) (significant with p < 0.0001, twosample ttest).
Are there any relevant confounders?
Did the canopy matter?
Much care was taken in the study analysis to look at potential confounders, and this is admirable. One particular debate was that of the canopy used to contain the study. The canopy was used to blind potential participants to the particular treatment, to prevent differential nonresponse. However, to keep conditions similar to how they would be in the field, a canopy with factory farming images was used, even in the control group. It is possible that this weakens the control group, since there is some exposure to negative factory farming images.
However, the exposure would still be much smaller for the control group than the treatment group, so while there may be some effect here, we are not that worried about this concern. If, for example, the average time watching the video of graphic animal suffering was ~5 minutes, and the average time spent focusing on images of suffering in the control condition is more like ~30 seconds as it isn’t a matter of directed attention or focus, there is a large difference in the amount of imagery being delivered between groups. Additionally, this can only work against the finding in this study, which would mean we are underestimating any potential effect, which makes our results even more robust.
A potential pilot might help us explore the impact of canopy. While 95% of participants were shown the typical canopy with animals, 2.8% of participants were shown a blank canopy with no pictures and 2.1% of participants were not shown any canopy. Pooling the typical canopy with animal pictures vs. the other two options does show a statistically significant effect on diet change (p = 0.036), but issues of statistical power and the fact that 85% of the times the nontypical canopy was used was during the treatment group skews this.
Overall, we’d conclude that we should not worry about the effect of the canopy when interpreting these results.
Did spillover matter?
While the clustered randomized design (where all participants on the same campus on the same day get the same condition) should limit the effect of spillover, the study still asked about whether people discussed the study with others. Only 3% of people said they did, so any spillover effect is likely quite small. There was no significant effect (p = 0.13), but any effect would likely have insignificant statistical power to detect at this size.
Does watching to the end matter?
The survey asked people if they watched to the end. 12.9% fessed up to not watching the entire video. Notably, people who did not watch to the end were less likely to fill out the followup survey, with only 49.6% of people who did not watch all the way responding, compared to 64.5% of those who did watch all the way (p < 0.0001, chisquared test).
Contrary to what we may have expected, even when we assume nonresponders had no diet change, there was no effect on watching the entire video and eating less pork (p = 0.47, two sample ttest). However, people who watched the video in entirety were less likely to agree that eating pork contributed to the suffering of pigs, with 79% of those who watched to the end agreeing vs. 86% of those who did not agreeing (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test). Nearly identical effects were also obtained on the belief of minimizing pork, with 77% of those who watched to the end agreeing vs. 81% of those who did not watch to the end (p < 0.0001, Chisquared test). This would be consistent with a hypothesis that those who did not watch to the end were not disinterested, but in fact overly interested and too emotionally invested to make it through all the footage. (Or the disinterested people who didn’t watch to the end just lied about it.)
Did social desirability bias matter?
A notable bias on surveys is that respondents just tell you what they think you want to hear. This is called social desirability bias. It’s possible that this bias may inflate our results. To assess this, we can use a test called the MarloweCrowne scale that basically sees whether respondents will give more implausible but good sounding answers.
MarloweCrowne score had no connection to whether people reported eating less pork (p = 0.16, ANOVA) or whether people selfreported watching the entire video (p = 0.72, ANOVA). However, those higher in the MarloweCrowne score were slightly more likely to report believing that eating pork contributed to the suffering of pigs (p < 0.0001, ANOVA) and that it was important to minimize eating of pork (p < 0.0001, ANOVA), though the effect between those with a high MarloweCrowne score and those with a low MarloweCrowne score is less than one percentage point.
Another area social desirability bias may affect is whether people respond to the followup survey. Participants received as many as seven emails and six text message reminders sent over three weeks to get responses to the followup survey. This could lead to effects where those who didn’t respond initially could have been more likely to feel socially pressured if they did respond. In general, there could be differences in response between those who immediately responded and those that did not, particularly among baseline heavy porkeaters. However, the connection between social desirability and answering the followup survey is not significant (p = 0.1939, ANOVA).
Overall, in so far as we can assess social desirability bias, we’d say it is not a huge factor in this study, but we’d still generally keep it in mind and watch out for it, as selfreported data about beliefs and diet change may be inherently suspect.
Did west coast vs. east coast matter?
The study tracked which coast they were recruiting from to see if there were any cultural differences. No statistically significant effect was obtained (p = 0.31, two sample ttest).
Did the age of the participant matter?
There was no effect by age on consumption (p = 0.31, ANOVA), but there were quite small yet statistically significant effects where older people were slightly more likely to believe that eating pork contributed to pig suffering (p < 0.0001, ANOVA) and that it is important to minimize the amount of pork one eats (p < 0.0001, ANOVA).
Did the gender of the participant matter?
As one would predict, men ate more pork (9 times per month on average) than other genders (6 times per month when pooled) on the baseline (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest) and this continued to be true after the 30 day followup with 6.7 times per month on average for men and 4.0 times per average for other genders (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest). However, there was no statistically significant difference in how much men reduced their meat intake in response to the treatment (p = 0.92, two sample ttest) or overall (p = 0.41, two sample ttest).
On the other hand, men were much less likely to endorse propig beliefs, with 70% of men in the treatment group agreeing that it is important to minimize the amount of pork one eats compared to 83.2% of other genders (pooled) (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest) and 73.2% of men in the treatment group agreeing that eating pork contributes to the suffering of pigs compared to 84.9% of other genders (pooled) (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest).
The story is similar in the control group too, with 49% of men in the treatment group agreeing that it is important to minimize the amount of pork one eats compared to 69.2% of other genders (pooled) (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest) and 57.6% of men in the treatment group agreeing that eating pork contributes to the suffering of pigs compared to 74.8% of other genders (pooled) (p < 0.0001, two sample ttest).
Does it matter that the population is overall so vegetarian to begin with?
Notably, ~29.5% of the sample already did not eat pork throughout the entire past month at the baseline study. Relative to what would be expected of the general American public, this seems high. However, as the authors point out, “the representation of veg*ns in Animal Equality’s usual outreach is also unknown” ( Faunalytics Study Report, pg 28). We don’t know whether this is cause for concern or just typical of Animal Equality’s outreach.
There’s also an additional concern that these same trends may extend beyond those who ate no pork at all, to any who were attracted enough initially to complete the study. If the groups approached already heavily skew toward selecting for zeropork eaters relative to the general population, it may also have heavily selected for people more susceptible to persuasion on the topic of meatconsumption. Again, this could help with generalizability to Animal Equality’s specific outreach but decrease the generalizability outside this domain. Moreover, given the scale of the study on each campus, it’s possible those most sympathetic in general to the study participated and there could be declining utility outside of such a target group.
Similarly there is some consideration of how those who rarely or never eat pork may bias the results downward and are not necessarily the primary targets of this type of intervention:
“Figure 15 shows that the videos more frequently produced a decrease in pork consumption among high baseline consumers than low baseline consumers. This difference should not be surprising, in that those who rarely or never eat pork have little or no room to decrease their consumption further. This graph confirms that people who already consume little or no pork are, almost by definition, not the ideal target for this intervention.”  from the Faunalytics Study Report, pg 25
In the case of pork consumers who eat more than more than zero pork but less than average consumption among pork eaters, this could cut the other direction. People who already only consume a little pork could be more likely to cut it out since they may have already been more accepting of animal welfare considerations and have a smaller stake in sticking with current behaviors. On the other hand, these people have less room to decrease and obviously those already not eating pork can’t decrease at all! Without particular evidence to suggest otherwise, one might expect frequent pork consumers to rationalize their consumption when confronted with graphic footage suggesting direct harms.
What is the costeffectiveness?
While it’s nice to know that these videos have a statistically significant effect on pork reduction, it doesn’t really matter unless the effect size is large enough that enough pork is reduced per dollar spent on the videos. We thus need to look at costeffectiveness based on the amount of pigs spared per dollar spent.
How much pork is not eaten?
Figuring out the amount of pork not eaten due to the treatment is moderately straightforward as a result of the study. To do this, we can get the effect size of reduction of servings, convert from servings averted to actual amount of pig suffering averted, and then backtrack with the cost to run a video and get a costeffectiveness estimate (in $USD per pig year averted) for running video.
The ttest for approximate serving size can give us a 95% confidence interval for the true difference in the treatment and control group. The initial analysis finds a range of 0.31 to 1.78 additional servings reduced by the treatment group, relative to the control group. After adjusting for nonresponse on the assumption that nonresponders have no change, the new 95% interval is 0.33 to 1.16 additional servings reduced by the treatment group, relative to the control group. Given that the second interval is fully contained within the first interval and that there’s enough uncertainty about this, we can just go with the first interval.
How long will the effects last?
But how long will this effect last? We essentially want to translate the difference in pork eaten after one month to the lifetime difference among people in the control group. Animal Charity Evaluators does a metaanalysis of two studies on vegetarian recidivism and finds that the mean length of a vegetarianism period is 2.4 to 6.5 years.
Does that mean the effects of this study will last, asis, for 2.4 to 6.5 years, on average? Maybe. It’s possible that the people in the study populations analyzed by ACE had a deeper conviction toward vegetarianism, on average, but it’s also possible that they don’t. Simply eating less pork is a much smaller commitment and easier to sustain, however it may be a much less strongly held conviction or it may not even be a consciously noticed choice at all. Thus while it is more sustainable, we don’t know if it more likely to actually be sustained.
It’s also possible that the typical vegetarianism period is the result of far more factors than just a video, and thus it would be unfair to assign the entire period to the video as we do here. On the other hand, it does feel a lot more plausible that maintaining pork reduction is a lot easier than maintaining vegetarianism. After all, Faunalytics found that lapsed vegetarians still ate less meat than people who were never vegetarian.
Taking all this together, we arbitrarily extend the range to assume a 90% confidence interval that the pork reduction observed in the study will last for a total of 1 to 12 years[3]. We can then calculate the lifetime reduction of pork by multiplying this value and the amount of pork reduction per month. When we do so, we calculate that people in the treatment group will eat pork 58 fewer times than people in the control group (90% interval: 14 to 180).
How much pig is not eaten?
But how many pigs are saved when people eat pork 58 times less? Well, if we assume that each time someone eats pork they are eating 2 to 6 ounces of it and that a typical pig produces 200230 pounds of meat , that means the typical person eating pork 58 less times will be eating one sixteenth less of a pig in their life (90% interval: 0.013 to 0.21).
Lastly, we need to adjust for product elasticity  the amount that the supply of pork will fall when demand for pork falls. A reduction of pork consumption reduces demand, but the effect on supply is not 1to1. Research by Animal Charity Evaluators into product elasticity finds that reducing demand for pigs by 1 pig will cause a corresponding decline in pigs supplied of 0.57 (90% interval: 0.42 to 0.87). Thus the reduction in demand of one sixteenth of a pig corresponds to sparing 0.03 pigs (90% interval: 0.0075 to 0.13).
Given that a typical pig lives about six months, each person in the treatment group is thus sparing ~1 week of pig suffering (90% interval: 1.3 days to 23.7 days).
What are the costs?
So we know the benefits… now we need to know the costs. This study did not use the common “pay per view model” where people are incentivized to watch the video with a nominal cash prize (typically $1), so that means the costs really are just staff pay of setting up and running the booth, plus the fixed costs of buying all the equipment amortized over each individual. If we’re being truly scrupulous, we may be inclined to include opportunity costs of the staff and volunteers as well.
It appears that for each tour group, there were 12 staff members and 23 volunteers. Also, the 2D video involved 8 tablets per tour and the 360 VR video involved 6 VR headsets per tour. While this study reached ~36 people per day, Che Green at Faunalytics says that when not encumbered by running a study, Animal Equality is typically able to reach 70100 people a day, though the number can have a high degree of variation, going as low as 7 and as high as 219. Assuming outreach is run ~200 days a year (my guess) and the reach is somewhere between 50130 people, that would be 10K20K people reached per year by each tour team.
Assuming equipment costs of ~$600 per VR headset and $150 per tablet and assuming they last for about five years, each VR headset costs $0.60 per day used and each tablet costs $0.082 per day used. With 6 headsets used per day and reaching ~70 people per day, that works out to $0.051 per person reached in headset costs. With 8 tablets per day and reaching ~70 people per day, that works out to $0.009 per person reached in tablet costs. Assuming staff pay of $150 per day ($30K/yr over 200 days), that works out to $2.14 per person reached in staff costs  equipment costs are negligible in comparison. Thus the costs to reach a person with 2D video is ~$2.15, whereas the costs to reach a person with 360 VR video is ~$2.19.
So what’s the costeffectiveness?
Given that a person can be reached for ~$2 and that they spare ~1 pig week, that works out to $150 per pig saved (90% interval: $23 to $560) and, again assuming that each pig has a ~6 month lifespan, that works out to $310 per pig year saved (90% interval: $47 to $1100). To put this in context, Against Malaria Foundation can avert a year of human suffering from malaria for $39[4], this does not look very costeffective.
This is all summarized in this Guesstimate model.
But what if it were chicken?
A key part undermining the costeffectiveness is that each pig produces so much pork. If we rerun the numbers assuming that the study was talking about chicken instead of pork and had the same results, but adjusted all the other numbers to be about chicken, we get $5.70 per chicken spared (90% interval: $0.71 to $32) and $50 per chicken year (90% interval: 6.3 to 280). This is better, but presumably still not as good as helping humans (even from a complete speciesneutral point of view). This is summarized in this additional Guesstimate model.
How does this compare to the Reducetarian study?
Previously, one of us analyzed the Reducetarian study, which as far as we know is the only other sufficiently highpowered study with a sufficient control group, adequate methodology, and a focus on a dietrelated outcome. In that study, participants were recruited via Amazon’s Mechanical Turk and in the treatment groups, on average, changed their diet to eat 0.8 less servings of turkey, pork, chicken, fish, and beef per week than those in the control group, or 3.2 total servings per month.
This is more than 3x the size of the effect found here in the Animal Equality study, but it was notably across all kinds of animals and not just pork. An analysis of the data from the Reducetarian study on just pork in particular finds a reduction of 0.241 servings among the treatment groups (pooled) and an increase of 0.104 servings among the control group (p = 0.009, two sample ttest). The 95% confidence interval is that the difference lies between 0.087 and 0.605 servings reduced by the treatment group after controlling for the effect on the control group, which is actually 2x less than what is found in the Animal Equality study. Thus the Animal Equality videos may be twice as effective (at least for pork) though twice as expensive to run.
We don’t really know what would happen if we were to extrapolate the results of the Animal Equality study to diet changes on all animals. It makes sense that the effect on pork would be higher than usual given that the treatment specifically focused on pigs. It is certainly possible that this effect would produce broader effects on reducing meat generally. However, it is also possible that there is a substitution effect where people eat less pork but start eating more chicken instead in a way that might actually be net negative. While some initial analysis like the Reducetarian study and Faunalytics’s study of vegetarians do not find a substitution effect when they could, we still don’t yet have enough evidence to rule this out.
How does this compare to ACE’s assessment of Animal Equality?
Animal Charity Evaluators produced a comprehensive review of Animal Equality, including this Guesstimate estimate. ACE used leafleting as their baseline for understanding the impact on animals, where each leaflet is taken to reduce ~4 farmed animal days on average (90% interval: 255.5 days to 324.85 days) (see cell SCI3 in the top right of the Guesstimate).
However, it is assumed by ACE that 2D video would be ~3x as impactful as leafleting (90% interval: 1x to 8.7x), which magnifies the effect to ~58 days (90% interval: 620.5 days to 1971 days) for 2D video. Furthermore, 360 VR video is assumed to be ~6x as impactful as leafleting (90% interval: 2.1x to 14x), which magnifies the effect to ~40 days (90% interval: 1314 days to 2591.5 days)[5]. With a cost per person reached of ~$2.20 (90% interval: $1.90 to $2.60), that would work out to $500 per animal year saved from 2D video and $350 per animal year saved from 360 VR video.
While based on the results in this study, we think we can reject the hypothesis that 360 VR video is twice as effective per person as 2D video[6], it is notable that this calculation is not too different from what we established above.
What did this study not find?
Notably, this study did not look at any effects other than pork, which could be problematic as it needlessly constrains the costeffectiveness estimate to focus on the relatively expensive to help pigs compared to other animals, or even all animals as a whole. As the Reducetarian study found, broad reduction across all possible animal consumption would outweigh in effectiveness a reduction of consumption in any one animal.
On the other hand, there still is an open question, as the Faunalytics design document for this study notes , about how to handle the fact that selfreporting your diet across a ton of different animals is really hard. Certainly focusing on just pork does simplify things. More research on how people interact with these food frequency questionnaires and what questions to ask may be merited.
How should we cautiously interpret these results?
It’s great to see a robust study of any sort that looks at diet change with sufficient statistical power from a large sample and that gets statistically significant effects that are robust from cutting the data under different approaches (e.g., binary elimination, converting to serving sizes, etc.) and almost entirely robust after correcting for multiple hypothesis testing[7]. The fact that this study took place in the field with reasonably close conditions to what would obtain in reality, as opposed to being in Mechanical Turk, is all the more encouraging. At this point, we’d be willing to believe now that there is a substantial chance that at least some forms of individual animal advocacy work.
However, by “they work”, we mean that they produce net positive results. Whether they are genuinely costeffective compared to our alternatives is still something that remains to be established, and this study establishes a discouraging initial costeffectiveness estimate. It’s possible that some elements of the study design (such as the canopy or the survey itself) may have reduced the true effect of Animal Equality’s program. It’s also possible that looking at diet changes more expansively may produce more encouraging results. Perhaps it would be a good idea to replicate this study, but look more at all kinds of diet change to try to see if we can get evidence that establishes a better costeffectiveness estimate.
It is still too early to say we should reconsider individual outreach. For one, it is hard to compare video to other individual outreach strategies  or even nonoutreach strategies for that matter  given the lack of robust costeffectiveness estimates for other areas. Also, it is possible that individual outreach may have important medium term effects and/or fit into a broader holistic strategy.
Thanks to Jo Anderson, Che Green, and David Moss for reviewing this piece.
Endnotes
[1]: Other prior work is plentiful, but had either an insufficiently large sample size to find significant effects (e.g., ACE 2013 Humane Education Study;MFA 2016 Online Ads Study), had an insufficient control group size (e.g., ACE 2013 Leafleting Study;2014 FARM Payperview Study;VO 2015 Leafleting Study; Ferenbach, 2015; Hennessy, 2016), had no control group (e.g., THL 2011 Online Ads Study; THL 2012 Leafleting Study; THL 2014 Leafleting Study; THL 2015 Leafleting Study; VO 2015 Payperview Study; James, 2015; Veganuary, 2015; Veganuary, 2016; Veganuary, 2017; Mensink, 2017), only measured intent to change diet rather than actual selfreported diet change (e.g., Arbour, Signal, & Taylor, 2009; Jamieson, et. al, 2012; Rule & Zhbanova, 2012; MFA 2016 MTurk Study; 2016 Retargeting Online Ad Study), or did not attempt to measure differences against a baseline prior to the intervention (e.g., VO 2014 Leafleting Study; CAA 2015 VegFest Study; VO 2016 Leafleting Study; Ardnt, 2016). This is a list of all the relevant individual veg outreach research we know of, if you can name any more, we’d be happy to add them to this literature overview.
[2]: We chose simpler (and arguably less correct) statistical tests than the ones used by Faunalytics as we wanted to see whether the effects still prevailed under them and because they were easier to reason about.
[3]: This effect is modeled as a linear extrapolation where the effect remains constant for an amount of time and then immediately drops to 0. This of course is unrealistic, but this is not a concern as it is mathematically equivalent to a declining curve of effect that is longer in duration.
[4]: GiveWell has pretty thoroughly vetted the Against Malaria Foundation and found it to create the equivalent value of saving the life of a child under 5 for $764 to $3057 (average $2087) (GiveWell, 2018). While GiveWell would not want us crudely converting this figure to DALYs, we need to do so to have a remotely comparable analysis, so we consider saving the life of a child under 5 to allow them to live to the typical life expectancy of SSA – 59 years total, or an additional 53 years – at full health, which would be 53 DALYs averted. Thus, AMF would be at ~$15  $58 per DALY averted (average $39).
[5]: It is strange that this leads to us concluding that the 2D video is more effective than the 360 VR video, despite ACE explicitly giving the 360 VR video a higher multiplier. This is due to the fact that ACE estimates also include a substantial chance of negative effect and that this is also magnified by the multiplier.
[6]: Of course, Animal Equality argues that while their 360 VR video may have lower shortterm costeffectiveness due to higher cost and no statistically significant increase in conversion rate, it makes up for this by being novel, thus drawing in larger crowds and being more likely to draw in people who may be more influential. This additional hypothesis is plausible but untested. Notably, staffing costs dominate the costs of equipment in the model, so running 360 VR may not be that much additional expense per person recruited, so it may not matter too much.
[7]: Given that 38 statistical tests were conducted, following the BenjaminiHotchberg procedure, we ideally should reject pvalues above 0.0013. The only statistically significant effect in this data with a pvalue above that threshold is the difference between the amount of servings reduced between the control group and the treatment group (p = 0.0053, two sample ttest). However, this procedure for multiple hypothesis testing is very stringent.
Comments (22)
The source that you cite for the amount of meat produced by a typical pig notes that the number it is using is the carcass weight.
There are four different weights:
Primary weight: the weight of the carcass (part of which is nonedible)
Retail weight: the weight of what is sold at the retail level
Consumer weight: the weight of what is purchased by consumers (including institutions and food service establishments)
Lossadjusted availability: the weight of what is eaten by consumers
If I understand your model correctly, it assumes that 200 to 300 fewer pounds of pork would have to be eaten in order to spare one pig. This seems wrong to me because eating x pounds fewer meat means consumers purchasing x + y fewer pounds of meat which means retailers purchasing x + y + z fewer pounds of meat which means x + y + z + w fewer pounds of pig carcass produced. To correct for this, we have to figure out how many fewer pounds of pig carcass are produced for each fewer pound of pork that is eaten. For purposes of this comment, I will assume that the ratio of the reduction in the amount of pig carcass produced to the net^ reduction in the amount of pork eaten is the same as the ratio of the amount of pig carcass produced (per person) to the amount of pork eaten (per person).
^I say net reduction because a person who purchases less pork (due to eating less of it) will cause the price of pork to decrease which will cause others to purchase (and eat) more pork which will partially offset the reduction.
According to USDA statistics, during the year 2015, 63.5 pounds of pig carcass were produced per person while only 31.4 pounds of pork were eaten per person, meaning that 2.022 pounds of pig carcass were produced per pound of pork eaten [63.5 pounds / 31.4 pounds]. Assuming that one fewer pound of pork being eaten results in 2.022 fewer pounds of pig carcass being produced, the cost of sparing one pig and of sparing one pig year is 0.495 times what you originally estimated [1 / 2.022]. This means that the cost of sparing one pig is $74.25 [0.495 * $150] with a 90% interval from $11.39 [0.495 * $23] to $277.20 [0.495 * $560] and the cost of sparing one pig year is $153.45 [0.495 * $310] with a 90% interval from $23.27 [0.495 * $47] to $544.50 [0.495 * $1,100].
It appears that your model for chickens assumes that the amount of chicken eaten each time is the same as the amount of pork eaten each time and that the reduction in the number of times per month that chicken would be eaten is the same as the reduction in the number of times per month that pork was eaten. One potential problem with this assumption is that people each more chicken than pork: according to USDA statistics, in 2015, people ate, on average, 51.1 pounds of chicken but 'only' 31.4 pounds of pork. For your model to be accurate, it would have to be the case that showing videos of animal mistreatment reduces the amount eaten by a similar magnitude across different products regardless of the baseline amount eaten. It seems more likely to me that videos would reduce amount eaten by a similar proportion such that the reduction would be greater for products with a higher baseline amount eaten. If this is correct, then the reduction in the amount of chicken eaten would be 1.627 times what you estimated [51.1 pounds / 31.4 pounds].^^ This means that the cost per chicken spared and the cost per chicken year spared should be multiplied by 0.615 [1 / 1.627] to account for people reducing their consumption of chicken more (in absolute terms).
^^You might think the ratio should be set higher if you think that the Animal Equality audience has a higher than average chicken consumed to pork consumed ratio.
We also have to account for the model using the carcass weight of chickens^^^ as the number of fewer pounds people have to eat to spare one chicken. As noted above (with respect to pigs), this approach seems wrong in that each fewer pound of chicken eaten likely results in more than one fewer pound of chicken carcass being produced. According to USDA statistics, in 2015, 103.9 pounds of chicken carcass were produced per person while only 51.1 pounds of chicken were eaten per person, meaning that 2.033 pounds of chicken carcass were produced per pound of chicken eaten [103.9 pounds / 51.1 pounds]. Assuming that one fewer pound of chicken being eaten resulted in 2.033 fewer pounds of chicken carcass being produced, the cost of sparing one chicken and the cost of sparing one chicken year need to be multiplied by 0.492 [1 / 2.033].
^^^I assume that "Amount of meat per chicken (lbs)" in your model refers to carcass weight as it does in the pig model. I make this assumption for two reasons. First, the phrase you used in the chicken model is similar to what you used in the pig model ("Amount of meat per pig (lbs)"), where that phrase refers to carcass weight. Second, the source you use for the pig model says that chickens have a mass of 2.5 kilograms and that their carcass after slaughter retains 75% of that mass, meaning that a chicken carcass is around 1.875 kilograms (4.134 pounds); 4.134 pounds is roughly the midpoint of your range of 3 pounds to 5 pounds, which makes me think that your number was based on the carcass number from that source.
Thus, to account for videos reducing chicken consumption by more than they reduce pork consumption (due to people eating more chicken) and to account for each fewer pound of chicken being eaten resulting in more than one fewer pound of chicken carcass being produced, your estimates should be multiplied by 0.303 [0.615 * 0.492]. This results in the cost of sparing a chicken being $1.73 [0.303 * $5.70] with a 90% interval from $0.22 [0.303 * $0.71] to $9.70 [0.303 * $32] and the cost of sparing a chicken year being $15.15 [0.303 * $50] with a 90% interval from $1.91 [0.303 * $6.30] to $84.84 [0.303 * $280].
You might also think that showing people a video about the treatment of chickens would reduce the amount of turkey eaten by the same proportion as it reduces the amount of chicken eaten. According to USDA statistics, Americans ate, on average, 7.9 pounds of turkey, which is 0.155 times how much chicken they ate [7.9 pounds / 51.1 pounds]. If only 0.155 times as many pounds of turkey are being saved per viewer, then you would have to show the video to 6.452 times as many viewers to save the same number of pounds of turkey [1 / 0.155].
Additionally, since turkey carcasses weigh 23.603 pounds (0.75 * 31.47 pounds) (compared to 3.9 pounds for chickens^^^^), you would have to show the video to 6.052 times as many viewers to spare the same number of turkeys [23.603 pounds / 3.9 pounds].^^^^^ This means that it costs 39.048 times as much to spare a turkey [6.452 * 6.052], which means that the cost of sparing one turkey is $67.55 [39.048 * $1.73] with a 90% interval from $8.59 [39.048 * $0.22] to $378.77 [39.048 * $9.70].^^^^^^
^^^^I use 3.9 pounds because that is what is used in the Guesstimate model for chickens and I am deriving the estimates for turkeys from the estimates for chickens.
^^^^^The percent of turkey carcass that is ultimately eaten (49.6%) is similar to the percent of chicken carcass that is ultimately eaten (49.1%).
^^^^^^I am assuming that the cumulative elasticity factor for turkey is similar to the cumulative elasticity factor for chicken. The Animal Charity Evaluators spreadsheet you cite reports similar estimated cumulative elasticity factors for chicken and turkey.
And since turkeys live around four months on factory farms, the cost of sparing one turkey year is $202.65 [3 * $67.55] with a 90% interval from $25.77 [3 * $8.59] to $1,136.31 [3 * $378.77].
Combining the chicken and turkey numbers, we get that the cost of sparing one bird is $1.69 [1 / (1 / $1.73 + 1 / $67.55)] with a 90% interval from $0.21 [1 / (1 / $0.22 + 1 / $8.59)] to $9.46 [1 / (1 / $9.70 + 1 / $378.77)] and the cost of sparing one bird year is $14.10 [1 / (1 / $15.15 + 1 / $202.65)] with a 90% interval from $1.78 [1 / (1 / $1.91 + 1 / $25.77)] to $78.77 [1 / (1 / $84.64 + 1 / $1,136.31)].
Finally, if you accept Halstead's argument that assuming persistence of 1 to 12 years (with a point estimate of 68 months) is too optimistic and that a more reasonable point estimate would be 6 months, then you would think that it costs 11.333 times the above estimates to spare an animal and to spare an animal year [68 / 6]. This would result in the cost of sparing a pig being $841.48 [11.333 * $74.25] with a 90% interval from $129.08 [11.333 * $11.39] to $3,141.51 [11.333 * $277.20] and the cost of sparing one pig year being $1,739.05 [11.333 * $153.45] with a 90% interval from $263.72 [11.333 * $23.27] to $6,170.82 [11.333 * $544.50]. It would also result in the cost of sparing a chicken being $19.61 [11.333 * $1.73] with a 90% interval from $2.49 [11.333 * $0.22] to $109.93 [11.333 * $9.70] and the cost of sparing a chicken year being $171.69 [11.333 * $15.15] with a 90% interval from $21.65 [11.333 * $1.91] to $961.49 [11.333 * $84.84]. It would additionally result in the cost of sparing a turkey being $765.54 [11.333 * $67.55] with a 90% interval from $97.35 [11.333 * $8.59] to $4,292.60 [11.333 * $378.77] and the cost of sparing a turkey year being $2,296.63 [11.333 * $202.65] with a 90% interval from $292.05 [11.333 * $25.77] to $12,877.80 [11.333 * $1,136.31]. Lastly, it would result in the cost of sparing a bird being $19.15 [11.333 * $1.69] with a 90% interval from $2.38 [11.333 * $0.21] to $107.21 [11.333 * $9.46] and the cost of sparing a bird year being $159.80 [11.333 * $14.10] with a 90% interval from $20.17 [11.333 * $1.78] to $892.70 [11.333 * $78.77].
[Throughout this comment and the parent comment, I've adjusted point estimates and 90% intervals simply by multiplying them by the adjustment factor. I'm unsure whether this approach is correct for 90% intervals.]
It's also interesting to compare the results from this Animal Equality study to the results from the previous Reducetarian Labs MTurk Study.
In the Reducetarian Labs study, you found that respondents reduced their consumption of chicken by an average of 1.127 servings a month [0.26 * 52 / 12]. (The estimate for the Animal Equality study is slightly higher at 1.399 servings a month [0.86 * 1.627].)
Assuming that the effect lasted six months, respondents ate, on average, 6.762 fewer servings of chicken [6 * 1.127 servings]. This means they ate, on average, 25.019 fewer ounces of chicken [3.7 * 6.762 ounces] (or 1.564 fewer pounds of chicken [25.019 ounces / 16]). Since any reduction in consumption is partially offset by others increasing their consumption (due to the reduction in consumption lowering prices), the net reduction in amount eaten was 0.594 pounds [0.38 * 1.564 pounds]. Making the same assumption I made in the parent comment, this reduction results in 1.208 fewer pounds of chicken carcass being produced [2.033 * 0.594 pounds]. This means that, on average, each respondent spared 0.292 chickens [1.208 pounds / 4.134 pounds] and 0.035 chicken years [0.12 * 0.292 chickens]. (By comparison, respondents in the Animal Equality study spared, on average, 0.362 chickens [0.292 / 1.127 * 1.399] and 0.043 chicken years [0.035 / 1.127 * 1.399].)
[The numbers used in the above paragraph are borrowed from the parent comment or your Guesstimate model.]
Assuming that it costs $0.35 to reach one person through leafletting or online ads (which seems to be the number you used in reporting the Reducetarian Labs study), it would cost $1.20 to spare a chicken [$0.35 * 1 / 0.292] and $10.00 to spare a chicken year [$0.35 * 1 / 0.035].
Why are these numbers so much lower than the numbers reported for the Animal Equality study? All numbers used for the estimate were the same except for consumption reduction per respondent and cost per respondent. Additionally, consumption reduction per respondent was very similar between the two studies. Thus, the difference is almost entirely due to cost per respondent: it costs $0.35 to reach a person through leafletting or online ads while it costs $3.30* to reach a person through inperson videos. Perhaps there's a lesson here: if two interventions have a roughly similar effect size but significantly different costs per person reached, choosing the lower cost intervention can greatly increase impact per dollar.
*In your Guesstimate model for pigs, you use a cost per person of $2.80 for 2D video and $2.90 for VR video. Why is the cost per person higher for chickens?
Finally, it's worth noting that the above analysis of the Reducetarian Labs study is limited to the respondents' reported reduction in consumption of chicken. (The respondents also reported reducing consumption of other animal products.)
Hey RandomEA, just wanted to weigh in here that Marcus and I are very grateful for your comments. I've dedicated a week of my research time this month to go through them and update the post as well as do some ideas for followup research looking at the Reducetarian Labs study data.
The assumptions here about the persistence of the effect seem overoptimistic.
You measure the effect after one month and then assume that it will persist for 1 to 12 years (90% CI). So, you assign a less than 10% chance that the effect will fade out within a year. You made this decision "arbitrarily" on the basis of an ACE metaanalysis investigating how long people who say they don't eat meat have not eaten meat without interruption. The first to say is that this is testing a very different population and so is of questionable relevance to the Animal Equality intervention. In the ACE study, the sample is people who say they have made the commitment to be vegetarian. In yours, it is people who have been shown a video who say they haven't eaten pork a month on.
Given that we are working with fairly arbitrary intuitions here, I find it highly surprising that the 90% CI doesn't include fade out of the effect within a year. My median estimate is that the effect fades out within a year. I'd be curious to hear what other people think about this.
But you think there is around a 10% chance that the effect will fade out after 12 years. The claim is that there is a 10% chance that being shown an animal advocacy video on one day will have an effect on consumption decisions 12 years down the line. I would put the chance of this at ~0%.
If I am right and a more reasonable estimate of persistence seems to be closer to 6 months (I actually think I'm being conservative here  I'd guess closer to 23 months), this suggests you should revise your costeffectiveness estimate down by an order of magnitude.
The claim does not seem to be exactly, that there is a 10% chance of an animal advocacy video affecting consumption decisions after 12 years for a given individual.
I'd interpret it as: there is a 5% chance of the mean duration of reduction, conditioned on the participant reporting to change their behaviour based on the video being higher than 12 years.
This could for example also be achieved by having a very long term impact on very few participants. This interpretation seems a lot more plausible, although i am not certain at all, wheter that claim correct. Long term follow up data would certainly be very helpful.
Yes I was speaking somewhat loosely. It is nevertheless in my view very implausible that the intervention would sustain its effect for that long  we're talking about the effect of one video here. Do you think the chance of fadeout within a year is less than 10%? What is your median estimate?
Are you talking about the individual level, or the mean? My estimate would be, that for the median individual, the effect will have faded out after at most 6 months. However, the mean might be influenced by the tails quite strongly.
Thinking about it for a bit longer, a mean effect of 12 years does seem quite implausible, though. In the limiting case, where only the tails matter, this would be equivalent to convincing around 25% of the initially influenced students to stop eating pork for the rest of their lives.
The upper bound for my 90% confidence interval for the mean seems to be around 3 years, while the lower bound is at 3 months. The probability mass within the interval is mostly centered to the left.
Human DALYs deal with positive productive years added to a human life. Pig years saved deal with reducing suffering via fewer animals being born. I'm not sure that these are analogous enough to directly compare them in this way.
For example, if you follow negative average preference utilitarianism, the additional frustrated preferences averted through pigyearssaved would presumably be more valuable than an equivalent number of humandisabilityadjustedlifeyears, which would only slightly decrease the average frustrated preferences.
Different metaethical theories will deal with the difference between DALYs and pigyearssaved differently. This may affect how you view the comparison between them.
(With that said, I find these results sobering. Especially the part where video outperforms VR possibly due to a negative multiplier on VR.)
Every time we do costeffectiveness analysis we need to make philosophical judgment calls about what we value. I agree that these "$ per thing" measures can be crude and are meant more for illustrative purposes than as a rigorous, binding, rationally compelling comparison. People could feel free to disagree and think that pig years saved are far more important (perhaps due to preference utilitarianism, or thinking the suffering averted is far more intense, etc.).
Despite this, we are faced with a genuine choice here and need some way to navigate that choice, even if we may do that with different values and philosophical backgrounds in mind.
I'm not sure how seriously I would take that proposition  it appears to largely be guesswork. This study did not find any statistically significant difference in either direction between 360 VR and 2D video and both Faunalytics and Animal Equality leave open the possibility that novelty effects not captured in this study may still make 360 VR more compelling. Given my assessment that they're roughly equal in cost per person reached, I would not try to make a case for 2D video over 360 VR.
In this case, the text states that "Against Malaria Foundation can avert a year of human suffering from malaria for $39[4]", which is just false. Going by the footnote, the $39 is the cost of extending a human life by one year. I'd recommend writing that in the main text, instead, if you want people to be able to disagree with your judgement calls.
Of course. But we're comparing two such different things here that I wouldn't claim things like, ". . . an estimate of $310 per pig year saved . . . which is worse than humanfocused interventions even from a species neutral perspective"  to me, that's much worse than saying things like, "it costs $300 to provide biweekly CBT for a depressed Kenyan for a month and $50 to provide a daily hot meal for a homeless American for a month, so the former is worse than the latter even from a nationality neutral perspective", which you wouldn't say.
I disagree with your analogy. I do think it's meaningful to say that I would prefer humanfocused interventions at that price tradeoff and that it isn't because of speciesist attitudes. So they're at least comparable enough for people to know what I'm talking about.
It's meaningful to have an opinion one way or the other, but it's far from clear that one is better was my point. Like, I'd imagine people in this community would disagree a lot on the value of CBT vs hot meals in my example, so I wouldn't just claim that one is worse than the other because it costs more.
Let me try another example. GiveWell wouldn't just say "AMF saves the life of a child under 5 for ~$x. GiveDirectly doubles consumption for one person for 50 years for >$x. Therefore, AMF is a better marginal choice." Not without justifying or at least acknowledging the underlying tradeoff there.
Thank you for this!
I wonder if EAAs might think that the main effect of their animal advocacy is not necessarily the immediate meat consumption change, but more the longer term moral circle expansion. For example Jacy Reese from the Sentience Institute recently argued in this direction. If so, it might be more interesting to test for the level of speciesism or level of empathy towards animals before and after those interventions. I'd guess that decreasing speciesism is easier than causing a change in consumption habits, so for moral circle expansion purposes those results could be encouraging, correct?
Perhaps the impact on changing the Suffering Attitude could be important here. It's not clear yet to me how enduring this attitude change is, especially extended into the far future, but you probably could put some sort of value on it? I'd be interested in further testing on this.
The speciesism scale that was recently published by an EA psychologist might be useful for this purpose.
Ha, cool, you were also involved in the Sentience Institute study about attitudes towards US farm animals that probably also contains useful methodology in this direction.
Christ, I'd give up pork for 4 years for that price. Any takers? 10% discount if it's in the next 24 hours; I'm pretty cashstrapped at the moment.
Would you increase your consumption of other animals, such that your meat consumption stayed relatively stable?
I was joking.
The point was meant to be that at that price, it seems cheaper to create selfish incentives to become vegetarian/vegan/everythingbutfactoryfarmedproductsian. If that's the best deal we currently have via nudging people to be more moral, maybe philanthropists should be thinking more about funding market solutions such as subsidies for vegan products.
Interesting. It would be useful to know what people did instead. So in the AE study if people are eating less pork then what are they doing instead? If people are reducing animal flesh consumption across the board in the reducetarian study then what are they consuming instead? Whilst some sort of comparison with industry promotion could be interesting. So how does the cost / impact of reduction messaging compare to increase messaging of the industry? For example.